The Real Inconvenient Truth

(feebleness… yeah. that’s it. – promoted by pfiore8)

I was in the middle of reading “Dear Senator Obama” by Marc Ash http://www.truthout.org/articl…

and a word leaped out at me.  It was the word “inconvenient”.

   

In 2000, we were a nation rushing to put hanging chads behind us. Dealing with what really happened in Florida was inconvenient. Seven and a half years later, we are still paying the debt.

I’m reading Sheldon J. Wolin’s (Chalmers Johnson’s prof)”Democracy Incorporated: Managed Democracy and the Specter of Inverted Capitalism” and he also zeros in on Florida as either a coup-d’etat or, he theorizes,  akin to a corporate hostile takeover.  

(For more on Wolin see my posts “I Feel Like a Change” and “Democracy is Messy, So Stop Trying to Clean It Up, Barack!”- http://montanamaven.com/ ).  Wolin states:

   

…Congress which was once thought to be the predominant branch of government because it supposedly stood “closer to the people,” has been demoted to a position of power comparable to that of a corporate board.  The latter tend to be creatures of the CEO rather than the independent supervisory power to which the CEO is theoretically responsible.  Like a board, Congress may occasionally display independence, especially when it and the president represent opposing parties.  But the main point is that Congress has lost its close connection with the citizenry….Finally, in the image of shareholders, who wield small power over their CEOs or boards and are stirred to protest only when dividends disappoint, so the citizenry has embraced a diminished role.  Like shareholders they can vote out their own CEO, the president, or their board of directors, Congress, but mostly they want to be assured that the CEO-president is “heading the country in the right direction”.

Whether coup or takeover, what had been a gradual move from democracy, after Florida, became a downward spiral.  The stage for the coup/takeover was set with awkward ballots, impossible to find polling places, voters turned away because they had the same name as a felon,  and other intimidations.  Then Wolin says:

   Once the polls were closed, the slanted process began: actual counting and decisions were supervised by a loyal Republican official whose politico-mathematical correctness was later rewarded by elevation to a safe seat in  the U.S. Congress.  Then the high-powered legal talents and public relations experts took over, fought the case through the Florida Supreme Court, and appealed to the U.s. Supreme Court.  There a pliant judiciary hurriedly produced a contorted justification for a manipulated result.

And here’s the chilling part.

   

What was striking was not so much the highly coordinated attack on the system of democratic elections by the Bush loyalists as the feebleness of the opposition.

Wolin states bluntly that:

   

A healthy democracy would have ignited the opposition party in Congress to denouce the coup and contest the legitimacy for as long as necessary.  Throughout the nation there should have been massive protests, even a general strike and acts of civil disobedience, at the cynical subversion of elections, the one nonnegotiable supposition of a democracy.   Instead, an illegitimate president took office amidst scarcely a ripple of discontent.  The masters of ceremony and the media ensure that the inauguration was made to sem like all previous ones:  authority was transferred, continuity preserved, as the formerpresident, whom for all practical political purposes the Republicans had earlier destroyed, looked on:  constitutional democracy is dead; long live the president.

And I might add that the former vice president looked on silently and remained silent except to mumble something about this being a nation of laws and something about having lost fair and square.  But the voters in Broward County had fought back and protested and screamed their lungs out.  And the Democratic Black Caucus of Florida stood up and asked for help.

But the inconvenient truth, the real inconvenient truth is that Gore, Warren Christopher, and a gaggle of elites let it happen.  “Why?” I ask over and over.  Coup or cowardess?

And now, finally, journalists, pundits, lawmakers, other than Greg Palast, are waking up.  Marc Ash again:

   

We are in a bloody and endless quagmire in Iraq, the nation’s economy is in ruins and the greatest threat to freedom and democracy comes from our own leaders. For a leader, principle is terra firma (solid earth). Pragmatism places one foot on a slippery slope. Opportunism is descent. And Machiavelli waits at the bottom.

   Choose wisely, Mr. Obama.

The change most Americans believe in is getting out of Iraq, putting big reins on the finance guys, and stopping the gutting of our bill of rights.  If our 4th amendment rights of privacy are gone, our jobs diminished, our houses foreclosed or worth nothing,  we all become prisoners trapped in fear and powerlessness and no amount of guns aka the 2nd Amendment will change that.

Who is behind this bad decision by  Barack Obama?  Is the answer back in 2000? Is Wolin right about a coup? Did we miss our only opportunity to stop this coup by not taking to the streets in 2000?  Shouldn’t the lawyers have taken to the streets like the Pakistani lawyers just did when their constitution was under attack?  Is it too late? Is the fix in? Or as Wolin theorizes, are we in this state of inverted totalitarianism where there is an appearance of democracy, but it is only an illusion?

Or are all my questions or cries for protest just an inconvenience?

10 comments

Skip to comment form

    • Benny on July 15, 2008 at 01:13

    Perhaps the greatest misconception about Barack Obama is that he is some sort of anti-establishment revolutionary. Rather, every stage of his political career has been marked by an eagerness to accommodate himself to existing institutions rather than tear them down or replace them. When he was a community organizer, he channelled his work through Chicago’s churches, because they were the main bases of power on the South Side. He was an agnostic when he started, and the work led him to become a practicing Christian. At Harvard, he won the presidency of the Law Review by appealing to the conservatives on the selection panel. In Springfield, rather than challenge the Old Guard Democratic leaders, Obama built a mutually beneficial relationship with them. “You have the power to make a United States senator,” he told Emil Jones in 2003. In his downtime, he played poker with lobbyists and Republican lawmakers. In Washington, he has been a cautious senator and, when he arrived, made a point of not defining himself as an opponent of the Iraq war.

    and

    Like many politicians, Obama is paradoxical. He is by nature an incrementalist, yet he has laid out an ambitious first-term agenda (energy independence, universal health care, withdrawal from Iraq). He campaigns on reforming a broken political process, yet he has always played politics by the rules as they exist, not as he would like them to exist. He runs as an outsider, but he has succeeded by mastering the inside game. He is ideologically a man of the left, but at times he has been genuinely deferential to core philosophical insights of the right.

    Read Ryan Lizza’s piece here:

    http://www.newyorker.com/repor

    Ignore the stupid cover; it has nothing to do with the solid analysis.  

  1. When the Black Caucus challenged Bush’s election victory in January 2001, not one Democratic Senator stood up in support. Senate Democrats failed to push for an investigation of the Florida vote sham.

    From wiki:

    On January 6, 2001, a joint-session of Congress met to certify the electoral vote. Twenty members of the House of Representatives, most of them Democratic members of the Congressional Black Caucus, rose one-by-one to file objections to the electoral votes of Florida. However, according to an 1877 law, any such objection had to be sponsored by both a representative and a senator. No senator would co-sponsor these objections, deferring to the Supreme Court’s ruling. Therefore, Gore, who was presiding in his capacity as President of the Senate, ruled each of these objections out of order.

Comments have been disabled.