It Tattoos Everything

It’s pretty obvious that a decision has been made.

I don’t know exactly when, or where, or who participated; I don’t know what was said during what phone calls.  And I don’t exactly mean to suggest that a conspiracy was involved, other than the ordinary everyday sorts of conspiracies involved in Washington cloak-room negotiations, in gentlemen’s agreements made in the back seats of Manhattan taxicabs, and most of all, perhaps, in the ebb and flow of conversations on the balconies overlooking shorelines and forests behind million-dollar homes during dinner parties in Nantucket, Massachusetts and MacLean, Virginia.

But it’s pretty obvious that somewhere in the midst of all of that a new normal was decided upon by people who don’t care about you or me: the new normal of the 21st century.

Consider this article from The Cleveland Examiner, Sept. 24, 2007.  In fact, consider it very carefully.

“Look, I’d like to make as many hard decisions as I can make, and do a lot of the heavy lifting prior to whoever my successor is,” Bush said. “And then that person is going to have to come and look at the same data I’ve been looking at, and come to their own conclusion.”

As an example, Bush cited his detainee program, which allows him to keep enemy combatants imprisoned at Guantanamo Bay while they await adjudication. Bush is unmoved by endless criticism of the program because he says his successor will need it.

“I specifically talked about it so that a candidate and/or president wouldn’t have to deal with the issue,” he said. “The next person has got the opportunity to analyze the utility of the program and make his or her decision about whether or not it is necessary to protect the homeland. I suspect they’ll find that it is necessary. But my only point to you is that it was important for me to lay it out there, so that the politics wouldn’t enter into whether or not the program ought to survive beyond my period.”

The decision – and I don’t even mean to say, here, that I know what the grammar of the decision was, or what it means to those who made it, or even that it was ever exactly articulated – can be seen everywhere in the news.  To see it, you need only read recent news stories and keep one thing in mind: The Bush Administration only has one year left in office.

It’s visible here:

The Bush Administration is pushing to take control of the promotions of military lawyers, escalating a conflict over the independence of uniformed attorneys who have repeatedly raised objections to the White House’s policies toward prisoners in the war on terrorism. The administration has proposed a regulation requiring “coordination” with politically appointed Pentagon lawyers before any member of the Judge Advocate General corps-the military’s 4,000-member uniformed legal force-can be promoted.

And here:

For months, the Bush administration has waged a high-profile campaign, including personal lobbying by President Bush and closed-door briefings by top officials, to persuade Congress to pass legislation protecting companies from lawsuits for aiding the National Security Agency’s warrantless eavesdropping program.

These are examples – and there are others – of moves that make no sense for an Administration on its way out the door, unless it expects those moves to matter, more than 13 months down the road.

Glenn Greenwald comments on the bipartisan nature of the push, among other things, to an aspect of the new normal, total surveillance:

Ultimately, what is most significant about all of this is how the most consequential steps our government takes — such as endless expansion of its domestic spying programs with literally no oversight and constraints of law — occur with virtually no public debate or awareness. By contrast, the pettiest of matters — every sneeze of a campaign aide and every trite, catty gossip item from our moronic travelling press corps — receives endless, mindless herd-like attention.

The very nature of our country and our government fundamentally transforms step by step, with little opposition. We all were inculcated with the notion that what distinguished our free country from those horrendous authoritarian tyrannies, both right and left, of the Soviet bloc, Latin America and the Middle East were things like executive detentions, torture, secret prisons, spying on their own citizens, unprovoked invasions of sovereign countries, and exemptions from the law for the most powerful — precisely the abuses which increasingly characterize our government and shape our political values. As but the latest example, read Mark Benjamin’s superb though now-numbingly-familiar account of how we tortured Mohamed Farag Ahmad Bashmilah for 19 months and then just let him go once we realized that — like so many others we’ve detained and tortured — he was guilty of nothing.

What I see between lines that, read straight, can cause only bewilderment, is the coming of a 21st century dominated by resource wars, limited arable land, limited wealth, and limited privilege.  I see, in the first place, a desire to keep what one has.  

In my more autumnal moments, I think about something an older, wiser friend of mine once said to me.  A fellow who’d seen it all and lived – he would say “more-or-less” I’m sure – to tell about it.  He told me that the period of general prosperity and hope from about 1950 to about 1975 had never happened before in the history of the world.  A time when you could graduate high school, move to a new town, get a job, work at it until you retired, if you wanted to, and then live on a pension.  

We weren’t sitting on the balcony of a million-dollar home in MacLean, Virginia, but on a porch in front of his apartment complex in West Virginia.  Down the street was a convenience store and above us an occasional fight between neighbors.  Next door over a man was dying of something.

“It never happened before and it will not happen again,” my friend told me.

That those with power want to keep it, does not require explanation.  But they have quite a job on their hands, holding on to that power while managing the downward spiral of expectations of three-hundred million people.  Might require a little surveillance, for example.

Bush: “The next [President] has got the opportunity to analyze the utility of the program and make his or her decision about whether or not it is necessary to protect the homeland. I suspect they’ll find that it is necessary.”

On the television, just this morning, I heard an example of those with power wanting to keep that power.  In the midst of the impending wreck of civilization, I heard a Presidential candidate and a resident of Nantucket, Massachusetts, have this meaningless exchange:

MR. RUSSERT:  Let me ask you about one of your supporters, a Dr. Bob Jones III.

GOV. ROMNEY:  Mm-hmm.

MR. RUSSERT:  …an evangelical leader, and this is what he said about your faith.  He said it was a “cult,” an “erroneous religion.” How can you accept the support of someone who would trash your faith in that way?

GOV. ROMNEY:  Well, you know, religions are in a competitive battle.  They’re competing for souls and adherence.  And the good news is that Bob Jones may not agree with my faith–and obviously he does not–but he does believe that I’m the right person to be president of the United States, and that’s because he believes that a person of faith should lead the nation, an individual who’s pro-life, who’s adamantly in favor of traditional marriage, an individual who has the skills and background to get America back on track internationally and domestically.

That this decision was made does not require explanation.  That so many people are willing to take it, and take this meaningless white noise in place of an accounting for it, might.

I don’t know what to do but stand up and hunker down.  I don’t know what to do but speak up and look around.  I am not optimistic but I am here, like you.  There is a way to a decent 21st century; there has to be – though sometimes “the 21st century” seems to recede like the horizon from my vision.

At some point a decision was made, even if no one person actually made it; even if every individual member of Congress could place a hand on a stack of Bibles and say truthfully it was not his or her personal choice.  We are living with the consequences of that decision.  It tattoos everything.

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  1. We are all marked, all people alive right now, and most likely those yet to be born in coming years. We are marked by the experience of the current US government and its financial backers. We are marked as a male cat marks the edge of the couch, leaving a stain and a stench. We are marked for suckers, as sources for tax dollars, as consumers extraordinaire. And yes, we are marked by the telecoms and our privacy is now merely illusion.

    A decision has been made, and I’m not optimistic either.  

  2. Our only hope is that enough people have now become aware of all the ploys used by this abomination of BushCo, such that they will do a little thinking before acting — hope, hope, hope!

    • pfiore8 on December 17, 2007 at 02:51

    “a decision was made”

    but here’s the thing. we don’t have to abide by it. simple really.

    at some near term point, we will have to give up things because we will not be able to live life as we do now. at some point the veneer is going to peel away.

    my father lost everything when he was a few years older than i am now. he thought his life was over. surprise! he ended having the best part of his life after 55. because it’s what he did, how he handled it.

    we have options. how do we exercise them…

    i’m into sartre right now, so here’s another idea from him…

    Everything has been figured out, except how to live.

    Jean-Paul Sartre

  3. if you were the CEO of a Fortune 500 corporation, or if you were one of the richest people in the US, or if you were running a hedge fund, or if you were sitting on $25 million in stock, you could sit on the porch of your $2.4 million home and know that your government was doing whatever it could to help you keep your money.  And your power.  And to help you have even more.  You would have “virtual representation.”  And you could know that you had access to the decision making while it was going on.  And that you could be consulted if you wanted to be.  It’s that simple.

    But when you say things like that, you get accused of making a class war, as if that were illegitimate.  Of course, Bushco is working for more than the next year. And whoever is in the oval office next will in all likelihood be working for the same people, the same donors, though s/he might pacify us a little bit, might address some of the more egregious abuses.  Maybe.

    What ever happened to the idea of representative democracy?

    • pico on December 17, 2007 at 02:56

    and great essay at that.  Depressing stuff, and you can practically hear Greenwald howling with rage in that snippet.  Along with the rest of us.  Not sure what it’s going to take.

    • kj on December 17, 2007 at 03:04

    for the essay. I don’t know what to add, other than to re-post this quote of your, LC:

    I don’t know what to do but stand up and hunker down.  I don’t know what to do but speak up and look around.  I am not optimistic but I am here, like you.

    • psyched on December 17, 2007 at 03:11

    “”The next person has got the opportunity to analyze the utility of the program and make his or her decision about whether or not it is necessary to protect the homeland. I suspect they’ll find that it is necessary.

    The next person, knowing the idiocy of Bushco, might not accept this, if it emanated from Bush. But Bush, he of little brain, did not dream this up himself. It is instead part of the neocon/corporatist zeitgeist. It is generally accepted. It is in the air. And that makes it even harder to oppose, since its origin is not connected directly to one person. It has become part of the general belief system, at least for a majority of “leaders.”

    Just like “the world is flat”, everyone believes–or once  believed–it to be unquestionable.

    • Edger on December 17, 2007 at 03:21

    In the Western world, the basic unit of human organization is the nation, in America but not in Europe usage virtually synonymous with country. This is then subdivided in various ways, one of which is by religion. Muslims, however, tend to see not a nation subdivided into religious groups but a religion subdivided into nations.

    The United States has largely inherited Britain’s role, being far more capable at the neocolonial game than the United Kingdom. In most cases, it would be “embarrassing” for the United States to be directly involved in the various actions that must be done on its behalf. Instead, the United States can assume a certain degree of seperation and maintain the fiction of autonomy by merely supporting despots and tyrants around the world, who see that American interests are seen to first and foremost-and the country’s own interests always remain a distant second.

    A surprising number of people believe this fiction, and refuse to acknowledge that the post-war United States is imperialist or that neocolonialism is, in fact, a real phenomenon. It’s worth noting that among those who make a study of world cultures, neocolonialism is accepted as a given; it is only those far removed from the realities of the neocolonial enterprise-usually from the comfort of the new imperial heartland-that doubt its existence.



    Most of the resources any society needs ends up existing in a zero-sum game: in order for one society to have more of it, some other society must have less. As John Dominic Crossan illustrated so well in The Historical Jesus: The Life of a Mediterranean Jewish Peasant, Rome found that “peace” and “prosperity” were just such resources. The Pax Romana was a golden age-for Italy. The provinces suffered poverty, famine, and a nearly chronic state of war. Essentially, the imperial enterprise was, for Rome, an exercise in the exportation of violence and suffering themselves.

    The modern United States has established itself in a similar manner as an imperial center. We have established a thriving, industrialized economy based on the consumption of fossil fuels. We obtain those fuels from the neocolonial periphery, where it is obtained well below market value because of our military domination-maintained largely by maintaining a sufficient level of violence and internecine strife that keeps our oil suppliers as dependent on us (militarily) as we are on them (economically). The IMF, the World Bank and similar organizations keep the Third World eternally in crushing debt (see John Perkins’ Confessions of an Economic Hit Man), creating a situation where it makes more sense for an individual farmer to grow cotton or coffee for the United States, than food for his family. This keeps the Third World as dependent on the United States (nutritionally) as we are on them (commercially).

    Thus we see, that the key to First World prosperity is Third World suffering. The trend of globalization and the development of the Third World can only progress so far before it begins to have a negative impact on the First World’s level of prosperity. What will happen when this balance begins to shift? Will we see political turmoil resulting in the fall of the current imperial center? It may well be-and the United States would go down in history as one of the shorter-lived empires in the world. What can be said with certainty is that there can be no First World, without a Third World-wherever they may be, geographically. There can be no prosperous center, without an exploited periphery. The legal definitions of these areas means nothing; only the system of dependence and control.

    Such is the nature of empire.

  4. That American Dream the fifties, after the Big One, will not reoccur but it was an illusion. Their have been periods in the history of mankind where their is peace and stability, times where common good flourished society is always in flux the light and dark played out in time and eons. We help create our plight from refusing to let go of the illusions of capitalism the winners and losers mentality, and the fear that comes with change, the false need for security as if such a thing ever existed.

    Perhaps our Dreams need to change. I’m reading a book called When things Fall Apart about just this. Our fears be they of others or our present government. The scarcities are a result of buying into this system of destruction, for our ‘entitlement’ we think of as needs. Our very concept of progress is whacked right now. So while I am not optimistic about the Dream continuing, I do feel that being apart of the change and facing it full on diminishes the power that those who are welding fear as weapon for delusional gain, is all one can do.

    We will develop alternative solutions to the problems our communities face the future does not need to be hell or heaven but life , the one we all make, over and over. Helpless were not unless we allow our fear of change to freeze us into the false reality of negative and oppression.    

           

  5. george jr. called it the ownership society…..

    a shrinking club in the face of global aggregation….

    welcome to post technological feudalism…..

  6. turning our minds towards the dharma. LOL!    

    • Edger on December 17, 2007 at 05:35

    come here every day…

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